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Medieval Sourcebook: 
Heloise (1101-1164): 
Letter to Abelard

General Introduction

The Letters

The letters of Abelard and Heloise are, now, among the best known documents of early romantic love. From the thirteenth century on, there are references to the couple by multiple authors. With their inclusion by Jean de Meun in his Roman de la Rose (1280), their immortality as symbols was ensured. (Note, however, Betty Radice's opinion that it was Petrarch, who owned one of nine surviving manuscripts, who first showed a "genuine interest" [Radice 48].)

The textual tradition of the letters is problematic, with none of the nine known manuscripts dating from before 1350 [Radice 46]. This has lead to numerous modern theories as to whether they are genuine, edited, or all written by Abelard. Following Barbara Newman's article in Virile Woman to WomanChrist: Studies in Medieval Religion and Literature, (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1995), 46-75, in which she both argues for the letters' authenticity, and discusses why it was called into question, the current consensus (although not unanimous) seems to be that they are genuine.

[From an email post by Rob Helmerichs:] In his recent book, John Marenbon begins his chapter on the authenticity of the letters as follows: "The authorship of the letters between Abelard and Heloise has been the most controversial question in Abelardian scholarship for over a century." [The Philosophy of Peter Abelard, (New York: Cambridge Univeristy Press, 1997), 82-93.] He then goes on to summarize the controversy in a pretty balanced manner.
There are three sides:

    A) They are real:
    B) Abelard wrote them all;
    C) The whole shebang is a later literary creation.
Every once in a while a new article/book appears, stating the author's case and assuring us that this is the final word, but it never is, and since no contemporary manuscripts exist, there will always be room for doubt!

See the Discussion on the Mediev-l List (December 1997) on this subject.

The Translation

The first English translation was by Joseph Barrington in 1787. The version here was issued in a limited edition in 1925 by C.K. Scott Moncrief (the translator of Proust), based on the edition of the letters printed in Migne, Patrologia Latina. As Radice - the translator of the quite readable (but copyrighted) Penguin version - notes, Moncrieff's translation is idiosyncratic: "it wavers uneasily between the cadences of the Authorized Version [and] a literal transcription of the original Latin sentence structure", [Radice 54]. Some readers, however, might not find this style entirely unpleasant.

  • The Letters of Abelard and Heloise, trans. and intro. by Betty Radice, (New York: Penguin, 1974)
  • Barrow, Julia, Charles Burnett, & David Luscombe, "A Checklist of the Manuscripts Containing the Writings of Peter Abelard and Heloise and Other Works Closely Associated with Abelard and His School", Revue d'histoire des textes 14/15 (1984/1983), pp. 183-302.
  • Dronke, Peter, Abelard and Heloise in Medieval Testimonies, Glasgow: The University of Glasgow Press, 1976.
  • Gilson, Etienne, Heloise and Abelard, Trans. L.K. Shook. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1972.
  • Hamilton, Elizabeth, Heloise, Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1967.
  • Jeandet, Yette, Heloise: L'Amour et l'absolu, Lausanne: Ed. Rencontre, 1966.
  • Kamuf, Peggy, Fictions of Feminine Desire: Disclosures of Heloise, Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1982.
  • Le Barillier, Berthe, La Passion d'Helosie et d'Abelard,. Paris: Société d'éditions litteraires et artistiques, 1910.
  • McLaughlin, Edward Tompkins, Studies in Medieval Life and Literature, New York: G.P. Putnam's Sons, 1894.
  • McLaughlin, Mary M., "Abelard as Autobiographer: The Motives and Meaning of his Story of My Calamities", Speculum 62 (1967), 463-88 New York: G.P. Putnam's Sons, 1894.
  • McLeod, Enid, Heloise: A Biography, 2d ed. London: Chatto and Windus, 1971.
  • Marenbon, John , The Philosophy of Peter Abelard, New York: Cambridge Univeristy Press, 1997
  • Newman, Barbara, "Authority, Authenticity, and the Repression of Heloise", in From Virile Woman to WomanChrist: Studies in Medieval Religion and Literature, (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1995), 46-75
  • Pernoud, Regine, Heloise et Abelard, Paris: A. Michel, 1970.
  • Robertson, D.W, Abelard and Heloise, New York: Dial Press, 1972.
  • Southern, Richard, W., "The Letters of Abelard and Heloise", in Medieval Humanism and Other Studies, Oxford: Blackwell, 1970.
  • Truc, Gonzague, Abelard avec et sans Helosie, Paris: A. Foyard, 1956.
  • Waddell, Helen, Peter Abelard, (a novel), London: Constable, 1933.
  • Wight, Orlando Williams,. The Romance of Abelard and Heloise, New York: D. Appleton and Co., 1853.
  • Worthington, Marjorie Muir, The Immortal Lovers: Heloise and Abelard, London: R. Hale, 1962.

Scott Moncrieff's Introduction{page ix- }

My dear George Moore,

It would obviously be impossible for any translation of these Letters to be published in England without some reference, whether, by dedication or otherwise, to the one man using our language who has taken the matter up within living memory, and the only man who at any time has made the dry bones of ABELARD and HELOISE reincarnate themselves in a far livelier garment of romantic flesh, I fancy, than was ever theirs in their twelfth century existence: but there is an especial reason why I must dedicate this translation to you, as although I hasten to acquit you of any responsibility for the actual volume, it was over your table in Ebury Street that I had it suggested to me, for the first and (I would now wager) the last time, that I might write a book - one of the literary-historical kind - about the cloistered lovers and their correspondence.

What you told me then, had the speaker been any but yourself, must have fallen upon deaf ears; for, to tell the truth, I had never read the Letters, I had no intention of reading them, and I assumed that their problems were sufficiently well-known already to persons less illiterate than myself: but I do remember your telling me that the First Letter was, in your opinion, from the hand of Jean de Meung, a literary forgery, designed to create a background and a justification for the rest. You then knocked down the whole card castle by reminding (you were really informing) me that the whole of the evidence for the story of the lovers was contained in this First Letter, as indeed the whole compass of your own marvellous romance is contained in the period before Heloise went to Paraclete, that is a year at least before even the First Letter purports to have been written. But you did not then tell me, of what I discovered only after Mr. Chapman had coerced me into undertaking this version, of a far greater and more impudent forgery, the English "translation" (still on sale) of the Letters published some two hundred years ago. Whether this work was forged in England, or, as seems to me likely, is translated from a French forgery of the late seventeenth century, I have no means, here in Pisa, of discovering. It consists of six letters, the first of them entitled Abelard to Philintus, following more or less the line of the History of the Calamities, though with such startling interpolations as the following:

    "I was infinitely perplexed what course to take; at last I applied myself to Heloise's singing master. The shining metal, which had no effect on Agaton, charmed him: he was excellently qualified for conveying a billet with the greatest dexterity and secrecy. He delivered one of mine to Heloise, who, according to my appointment, met me at the end of the garden, I having scaled the wall with a ladder of ropes. I confess to you all my failings, Philintus; how would my enemies, Champeaux and Anselm, have triumphed, had they seen this redoubted philosopher in such a wretched condition. Well! I met my soul's joy - my Heloise! I shall not transcribe our transports, they were not long, for the first news Heloise acquainted me with plunged me into a thousand distractions. A floating Delos was to be sought for, where she might be safely delivered of a burden she began already to feel. Without losing much time in debating, I made her presently quit the Canon's house and at break of day depart for Brittany; where she, like another goddess, gave the world another Apollo, which my sister take care of."

    Of this specimen of twelfth century literature its most recent editor (a lady who seems not to have studied the inside of the Latin volume) writes: "Of course the authenticity of the letters has been questioned, but no human being can read them and not know them to be genuine."

    This may not seem a very serious matter, but it is serious in this respect, that people who have read only the traditional English version of the Letters must have formed a wholly different conception of the character of the lovers from theirs who have studied, however casually, the Latin text.

    The former kind will be surprised to learn that Abelard did not inspire a hopeless passion in Heloise's maid, already courted as she was by a rich abbot and a courtier, "to say nothing of a young officer"; that he never said: "Pyramus and Thisbe's discovery of the crack in the wall was but a slight representation of our love and its sagacity"; and that the irregularities of conventional life at Paraclete did not oblige Heloise to write: "I walk my rounds every night and make those I catch abroad return to their chambers; for I remember all the adventures that happened in the monasteries near Paris."

    But let us return to the question of the First Letter, which you regard, you tell me, as "a piece of book making," and of the Second, which you say was "certainly touched to make it fit on." It seems to me that here there are two things to be said: first, that if the Letter to a Friend be a forgery, it is a remarkably clever impersonation on the forger's part of Abelard as he reveals himself in the later Letters. Only the irrepressible young prig who insisted on lecturing impromptu upon the interpretation of Ezekiel, and expected his better instructed seniors then to sit under him, could have grown into the intolerable old egoist who could write to his wife (in the Fifth Letter) of his own emasculation: "Neither grieve that thou wert the cause of so great a good, for which thou needst not doubt that thou wert principally created by God." And what artistry to make him seek to comfort his friend in an unnamed affliction by writing exclusively about his own affairs. On the other hand, it was careless on the forger's part, if he composed the First Letter, having already the text of the other seven to his hand, to make Abelard say that he had frequently visited Heloise and her companions at Paraclete, when Heloise's chief ground of complaint against her husband, and one that he admits to be valid in the opening lines of the Third Letter, is that he has never come to see her since their conversion.

    Then you made the point, in writing to me, that there was, or had been, some obscurity in the public mind as to the reason for Abelard's sending Heloise back to Argenteuil after their marriage. But as to this, I think, he makes himself clear enough in the First, and again in the Fifth Letters. He first offered to marry Heloise, in order to pacify her uncle. He married her, against her will and advice, but, as he thought always of his own interests only, made her keep their marriage secret, so that his career as a teacher and potential churchman might not be jeopardised. The uncle, unfortunately, makes the fact of the marriage known; Heloise denies it; the uncle maltreats her; Abelard removes her from his custody and sends her back, as a pensionnaire, to Argenteuil. He has no thought, however, of breaking off his relations with her, and in the Fifth Letter reminds her how those relations were resumed (uncomfortably enough, one would think, not to say sacrilegiously) in the refectory at Argenteuil. The uncle, however, whose sole and very natural motive is hatred of Abelard, concludes that he is "putting away" his wife with the intention of himself also seeking orders, and takes the one step, short of murder, which must make it impossible for Abelard ever to be admitted to the priesthood. >From this point, our hero's life may be summed up in the poignant words of the fair-complexioned man in Candide: "O che sciagura d'essere senza coglioni!"

    There is an inevitable change in his nature. First of all, his whole affection, which seems never to have deserved a politer name than lust, for Heloise abruptly ceases. As her husband, he compels her to take the veil at Argenteuil before he himself retires to the Abbey of Saint-Denis. And when, in later years, she writes him her three immortal letters, his irritation and boredom are manifest in every line of his replies. In his final letter, when dealing with the use of wine in convents, he actually transcribes several pages of her previous letter to him, as though forgetting that it was she who had written them. In his other relations also, his character is enfeebled. True, the young prig who lectured his seniors upon Ezekiel survives in the middle-aged prig (how curiously like certain Anglican priests to-day) who points out to his fellow monks of Saint-Denis that their founder may not, after all, have been the Areopagite; but the young cocksure who confuted William of Champeaux and laughed in the venerable beard of Anselm has dwindled into a querulous craven, constantly in terror of persecution, poison and the rest, magnifying his dangers with a buoyant indifference to his correspondent's natural anxiety, and piteously appealing to her for an eventual Christian burial. His once famous teaching, too, has become a string of garrulous quotations, many of them singularly inept.

    There is nothing more to be said, except that the lovers, I find, owe some part, at least, of their reputation in our Island to the assumption that they were never legally married; a British spinster, resident for many years in the Antipodes, to whom I was speaking recently about the Letters, was genuinely shocked to learn that their writers repose beneath the same covering in Père Lachaise. When I assured her that, before burial, they had been man and wife, her face fell still farther. But the great majority of people in England think, if they think about the matter at all, that Abelard and Heloise are fictional characters invented, my dear George Moore, and very beneficially invented by yourself. This volume will, as I need not assure you, do little or nothing to dispel their illusion, or to diminish the reputation of Heloise and Abelard. Such as it is, pray accept the offering of my part in it, with every good wish, upon this your onomastico,

    From Charles Scott Moncrieff
    Lung'arno Regio, Pisa., Saint George's Day, 1925

    Heloise: First Letter {page 53- }

    To her master, nay father, to her husband, nay brother; his handmaid, nay daughter, his spouse, nay sister: to ABELARD, HELOISE.

    Your letter written to a friend for his comfort, beloved, was lately brought to me by chance. Seeing at once from the title that it was yours, I began the more ardently to read it in that the writer was so dear to me, that I might at least be refreshed by his words as by a picture of him whose presence I have lost. Almost every line of that letter, I remember, was filled with gall and wormwood, to wit those that related the miserable story of our conversion, and thy unceasing crosses, my all.

    Thou didst indeed fulfil in that letter what at the beginning of it thou hadst promised thy friend, namely that in comparison with thy troubles he should deem his own to be nothing or but a small matter. After setting forth thy former persecution by thy masters, then the outrage of supreme treachery upon thy body, thou has turned thy pen to the execrable jealousy and inordinate assaults of thy fellow-pupils also, namely Alberic of Rheims and Lotulph the Lombard; and what by their instigation was done to that famous work of thy theology, and what to thyself, as it were condemned to prison, thou hast not omitted.

    From these thou comest to the machinations of thine Abbot and false brethren, and the grave detraction of thee by those two pseudo-apostles, stirred up against thee by the aforesaid rivals, and to the scandal raised by many of the name of Paraclete given to the oratory in departure from custom: and then, coming to those intolerable and still continuing persecutions of thy life, thou hast carried to the end the miserable story of that cruellest of extortioners and those wickedest of monks, whom thou callest thy sons. Which things I deem that no one can read or hear with dry eyes, for they renewed in fuller measure my griefs, so diligently did they express each several part, and increased them the more, in that thou relatedst that thy perils are still growing, so that we are all alike driven to despair of thy life, and every day our trembling hearts and throbbing bosoms await the latest rumour of thy death.

    And so in His Name Who still protects thee in a certain measure for Himself, in the Name of Christ, as His handmaids and thine, we beseech thee to deign to inform us by frequent letters of those shipwrecks in which thou still art tossed, that thou mayest have us at least, who alone have remained to thee, as partners in they grief or joy. For they are wont to bring some comfort to a grieving man who grieve with him, and any burden that is laid on several is borne more easily, or transferred. And if this tempest should have been stilled for a space, then all the more hasten thou to write, the more pleasant thy letter will be. But whatsoever it be of which thou mayest write to us, thou wilt confer no small remedy on us; if only in this that thou wilt shew thyself to be keeping us in mind.

    For how pleasant are the letters of absent friends Seneca himself by own example teaches us, writing thus in a certain passage to his friend Lucilius: "Because thou writest me often, I thank thee. For in the one way possible thou shewest thyself to me. Never do I receive a letter from thee, but immediately we are together." If the portraits of our absent friends are pleasant to us, which renew our memory of them and relieve our regret for their absence by a false and empty consolation, how much more pleasant are letters which bring us the written characters of the absent friend. But thanks be to God, that in this way at least no jealousy prevents thee from restoring to us thy presence, no difficulty impedes thee, no neglect (I beseech thee) need delay thee.

    Thou has written to thy friend the comfort of a long letter, considering his difficulties, no doubt, but treating of thine own. Which diligently recording, whereas thou didst intend them for his comfort, thou hast added greatly to our desolation, and while thou wert anxious to heal his wounds has inflicted fresh wounds of grief on us and made our former wounds to ache again. Heal, I beseech thee, the wounds that thou thyself hast given, who art so busily engaged in healing the wounds given by others. Thou has indeed humoured thy friend and comrade, and paid the debt as well of friendship as of comradeship; but by a greater debt thou hast bound thyself to us, whom it behoves thee to call not friends but dearest friends, not comrades but daughters, or by a sweeter and a holier name, if any can be conceived.

    As to the greatness of the debt which binds thee to us neither argument nor evidence is lacking, that any doubt be removed; and if all men be silent the fact itself cries aloud. For of this place thou, after God, art the sole founder, the sole architect of this oratory, the sole builder of this congregation. Nothing didst thou build here on the foundations of others. All that is here is thy creation. This wilderness, ranged only by wild beasts or by robbers, had known no habitation of men, had contained no dwelling. In the very lairs of the beasts, in the very lurking places of the robbers, where the name of God is not heard, thou didst erect a divine tabernacle, and didst dedicate the Holy Ghost's own temple. Nothing didst thou borrow from the wealth of kings or princes, when thou couldst have obtained so much and from so many, that whatsoever was wrought here might be ascribed to thee alone. Clerks or scholars flocking in haste to thy teaching ministered to thee all things needful, and they who lived upon ecclesiastical benefices, who knew not how to make but only how to receive oblations, and had hands for receiving, not for giving, became lavish and importunate here in the offering of oblations.

    Thine, therefore, truly thine is this new plantation in the divine plan, for the plants of which, still most tender, frequent irrigation is necessary that they may grow. Frail enough, from the weakness of the feminine nature, is this plantation; it is infirm, even were it not new. Wherefore it demands more diligent cultivation and more frequent, after the words of the Apostle: "I have planted, Apollos watched; but God gave the increase." The Apostle had planted, by the doctrines of his preaching, and had established in the Faith the Corinthians, to whom he wrote. Thereafter Apollos, the Apostle's own disciple, had watered them with sacred exhortations, and so by divine grace the increment of virtues was bestowed on them. Thou are tending the vineyard of another's vine which thou didst not plant, which is turned to thine own bitterness, with admonitions often wasted and holy sermons preached in vain. Think of what thou owest to thine own, who thus spendest thy care on another's. Thou teachest and reprovest rebels, nor gainest than aught. In vain before the swine dost thou scatter the pearls of divine eloquence. Who givest so much thought to the obstinate, consider what thou owest to the obedient. Who bestowest so much on thine enemies, meditate what thou owest to thy daughters. And to say nothing of the rest, think by what a debt thou are bound to me, that what thou owest to the community of devoted women thou mayest pay more devotedly to her who is thine alone.

    How many grave treatises in the teaching, or in the exhortation, or for the comfort of holy women the holy Fathers composed, and with what diligence they composed them, thine excellence knows better than our humility. Wherefore to no little amazement thine oblivion moves the tender beginnings of our conversion, that neither by reverence for God, nor by love of us, nor by the examples of the holy Fathers hast thou been admonished to attempt to comfort me, as I waver and am already crushed by prolonged grief, either by speech in thy presence or by a letter in thine absence. And yet thou knowest thyself to be bound to me by a debt so much greater in that thou are tied to me more closely by the pact of the nuptial sacrament; and that thou art the more beholden to me in that I ever, as is known to all, embraced thee with an unbounded love. Thou knowest, dearest, all men know what I have lost in thee, and in how wretched a case that supreme and notorious betrayal took me myself also from me with thee, and that my grief is immeasurably greater from the manner in which I lost thee than from the loss of thee.

    And the greater the cause of grief, the greater the remedies of comfort to be applied. Not, however, by another, but by thee thyself, that thou who art alone in the cause of my grief may be alone in the grace of my comfort. For it is thou alone that canst make me sad, canst make me joyful or canst comfort me. And it is thou alone that owest me this great debt, and for this reason above all that I have at once performed all things that you didst order, till that when I could not offend thee in anything I had the strength to lose myself at thy behest. And what is more, and strange it is to relate, to such madness did my love turn that what alone it sought it cast from itself without hope of recovery when, straightway obeying thy command, I changed both my habit and my heart, that I might shew thee to be the one possessor both of my body and of my mind. Nothing have I ever (God wot) required of thee save myself, desiring thee purely, not what was thine. Not for the pledge of matrimony, nor for any dowry did I look, not my own passions or wishes but thine (as thou thyself knowest) was I zealous to gratify.

    And if the name of wife appears more sacred and more valid, sweeter to me is ever the word friend, or, if thou be not ashamed, concubine or whore. To wit that the more I humbled myself before thee the fuller grace I might obtain from thee, and so also damage less the fame of thine excellence. And thou thyself wert not wholly unmindful of that kindness in the letter of which I have spoken, written to thy friend for his comfort. Wherein thou hast not disdained to set forth sundry reasons by which I tried to dissuade thee from our marriage, from an ill-starred bed; but wert silent as to many, in which I preferred to love to wedlock, freedom to a bond. I call God to witness, if Augustus, ruling over the whole world, were to deem me worthy of the honour of marriage, and to confirm the whole world to me, to be ruled by me forever, dearer to me and of greater dignity would it seem to be called thy strumpet than his empress.

    For it is not by being richer or more powerful that a man becomes better; one is a matter of fortune, the other of virtue. Nor should she deem herself other than venal who weds a rich man rather than a poor, and desires more things in her husband than himself. Assuredly, whomsoever this concupiscence leads into marriage deserves payment rather than affection; for it is evident that she goes after his wealth and not the man, and is willing to prostitute herself, if she can, to a richer. As the argument advanced (in Aeschines) by the wise Aspasia to Xenophon and his wife plainly convinces us. When the wise woman aforesaid had propounded this argument for their reconciliation, she concluded as follows: "For when ye have understood this, that there is not a better man nor a happier woman on the face of the earth; then ye will ever and above all things seek that which ye think the best; thou to be a husband of so excellent a wife, and she to be married to so excellent a husband." A blessed sentiment, assuredly, and more than philosophic, expressing wisdom itself rather than philosophy. A holy error and a blessed fallacy among the married, that a perfect love should preserve their bond of matrimony unbroken, not so much by the continence of their bodies as by the purity of their hearts. But what error shews to the rest of women the truth has made manifest to me. Since what they thought of their husbands, that I, that the entire world not so much believed as knew of thee. So that the more genuine my love was for thee, the further it was removed from error.

    For who among kings or philosophers could equal thee in fame? What kingdom or city or village did not burn to see thee? Who I ask, did not hasten to gaze upon thee when thou appearedst in public, nor on thy departure with straining neck and fixed eye follow thee? What wife, what maiden did not yearn for thee in thine absence, nor burn in thy presence? What queen or powerful lady did not envy me my joys and my bed? There were two things, I confess, in thee especially, wherewith thou couldst at once captivate the heart of any woman; namely the arts of making songs and of singing them. Which we know that other philosophers have seldom followed. Wherewith as with a game, refreshing the labour of philosophic exercise, thou has left many songs composed in amatory measure or rhythm, which for the suavity both of words and of tune being oft repeated, have kept thy name without ceasing on the lips of all; since even illiterates the sweetness of thy melodies did not allow to forget thee. It was on this account chiefly that women sighed for love of thee. And as the greater part of thy songs descanted of our love, they spread my fame in a short time through many lands, and inflamed the jealousy of many against me. For what excellence of mind or body did not adorn thy youth? What woman who envied me then does not my calamity now compel to pity one deprived of such delights? What man or women, albeit an enemy at first, is not now softened by the compassion due to me?

    And, though exceedingly guilty, I am, as thou knowest, exceeding innocent. For it is not the deed but the intention that makes the crime. It is not what is done but the spirit in which it is done that equity considers. And in what state of mind I have ever been towards thee, only thou, who hast knowledge of it, canst judge. To thy conideration I commit all, I yield in all things to thy testimony. Tell me one thing only, if thou canst, why, after our conversion, which thou alone didst decree, I am fallen into such neglect and oblivion with thee that I am neither refreshed by thy speech and presence nor comforted by a letter in thine absence. Tell me, one thing only, if thou canst, or let me tell thee what I feel, nay what all suspect. Concupiscence joined thee to me rather than affection, the ardour of desire rather than love. When therefore what thou desiredst ceased, all that thou hadst exhibited at the same time failed. This, most beloved, is not mine only but the conjecture of all, not peculiar but common, not private but public. Would that it seemed thus to me only, and thy love found others to excuse it, by whom my grief might be a little quieted. Would that I could invent reasons by which in excusing thee I might cover in some measure my own vileness.

    Give thy attention, I beseech thee, to what I demand; and thou wilt see this to be a small matter and most easy for thee. While I am cheated of thy presence, at least by written words, whereof thou hast an abundance, present to me the sweetness of thine image. In vain may I expect thee to be liberal in things if I must endure thee niggardly in words. Until now I believed that I deserved more from thee when I had done all things for thee, persevering still in obedience to thee. Who indeed as a girl was allured to the asperity of monastic conversation not by religious devotion but by thy command alone. Wherein if I deserve nought from thee, thou mayest judge my labour to have been vain. No reward for this may I expect from God, for the love of Whom it is well known that I did not anything. When thou hastenedst to God, I followed thee in the habit, nay preceded thee. For as though mindful of the wife of Lot, who looked back from behind him, thou deliveredst me first to the sacred garments and monastic profession before thou gavest thyself to God. And for that in this one thing thou shouldst have had little trust in me I vehemently grieved and was ashamed. For I (God wot) would without hesitation precede or follow thee to the Vulcanian fires according to thy word. For not with me was my heart, but with thee. But now, more than ever, if it be not with thee, it is nowhere. For without thee it cannot anywhere exist. But so act that it may be well with thee, I beseech thee. And well with thee will it be if it find thee propitious, if thou give love for love, little for much, words for deeds. Would that thy love, beloved, had less trust in me, that it might be more anxious! But the more confident I have made thee in the past, the more neglectful now I find thee. Remember, I beseech thee, what I have done, and pay heed to what thou owest me. While with thee I enjoyed carnal pleasures, many were uncertain whether I did so from love or from desire. But now the end shews in what spirit I began. I have forbidden myself all pleasures that I might obey thy will. I have reserved nothing for myself, save this, to be now entirely thine. Consider therefore how great is thine injustice, if to me who deserve more thou payest less, nay nothing at all, especially when it is a small thing that is demanded of thee, and right easy for thee to perform.

    And so in His Name to whom thou has offered thyself, before God I beseech thee that in whatsoever way thou canst thou restore to me thy presence, to wit by writing me some word of comfort. To this end alone that, thus refreshed, I may give myself with more alicrity to the service of God. When in time past thou soughtest me out for temporal pleasures, thou visitedst me with endless letters, and by frequent songs didst set they Heloise on the lips of all men. With me every public place, each house resounded. How more rightly shouldst thou excite me now towards God, whom thou excitedst then to desire. Consider, I beseech thee, what thou owest me, pay heed to what I demand; and my long letter with a brief ending I conclude. Farewell, my all.



    Source: The Letters of Abelard and Heloise, translated from the Latin by C.K. Scott Moncrieff , (New York: 1925) Made available by Miss MariLi Pooler, Brooklyn NY ,

    This text is part of the Internet Medieval Source Book. The Sourcebook is a collection of public domain and copy-permitted texts related to medieval and Byzantine history.

    Unless otherwise indicated the specific electronic form of the document is copyright. Permission is granted for electronic copying, distribution in print form for educational purposes and personal use. If you do reduplicate the document, indicate the source. No permission is granted for commercial use.

    © Paul Halsall December 1997

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    © Site Concept and Design: Paul Halsall created 26 Jan 1996: latest revision 3 May 2024 [CV]